Education or Enforcement? The Challenge of Islamophobia in 2021

I attended the online launch on 29th June 2021 of the Report of the work of the Scottish Parliament’s Cross Party Group on Islamophobia chaired by Anas Sarwar MSP, now Labour Party Leader in Scotland. I would recommend SEAS members and supporters obtain a copy of at least the Executive Summary, which was received by SEA Scotland. It is a report that is based on evidence presentations and a widespread survey and shines a light deep into the bruised heart of our fellow Scots who come from the Muslim community. It should concern all who seek fairness and equality in all aspects of Scottish society. It did however also raise some concerns in parts, which I will attempt to address.

In his opening remarks Anas outlined his aspirations for tackling the increasing problem, leading with a statement I suggest would resonate with SEAS members and supporters.

  1. The solution needs to start in school – Education is the key
  2. The need for Equality in Police and the State bureaucracy in Scotland
  3. Workplaces need to be welcoming and protective environments
  4. Any approach must look at the Gender factor as more women are victims of Islamophobia

The three official Rapporteurs from the Muslim community stressed various aspects of the report. One who identified as a Primary School Teacher stressed the very real Anti Muslim prejudice in the Scottish Educational environment where Teacher Training does not make a serious attempt to train teachers to deal with the evidence of prejudice or instances of Islamophobia in schools. Also a lack of members of school leadership teams from Muslim, or indeed non-white ethnicities. A second speaker was critical of the increased tension caused by the UK Government’s PREVENT programme and identified bureaucratic racism in the areas of Housing and Health services, requiring new rules and protocols. A third speaker related an incident of direct anti-Muslim abuse where a non Muslim woman intervened to protect the victim. She posed the question ‘Where Do People Get Prejudice?’ and suggested a lack of contact with the Muslim community made it difficult to get people to move beyond the ‘Scottish Exception’ myth that Scots are not racist or prejudiced. Evidence shows that prejudice and Islamophobia are prevalent institutionally.

During comments from online attendees, one well known and respected Trainer felt strongly that many acts were clearly racist in intent and that there were people in Scotland who held Anti Muslim racist views. She still agreed to support the use of the term Islamophobia, but also stressed the need to focus on the inter-sex impact and for the perpetrators of racist behaviours to be faced up to in ‘that uncomfortable space’. There was strong overall support for the recommendations contained in the Executive Summary.

As the SEAS representative I attended the evidence sessions of the Scottish Parliament’s Cross Party Group on Islamophobia and heard evidence of the full gamut of behaviour, from unacceptable to racist, in the presence of, or actually aimed at, members of the Muslim community in Scotland. The evidence was that 75% of Muslim respondents, and 82% in Glasgow thought that Islamophobia is getting worse. A worrying fact is that 45% of Muslims under 29 years of age had suffered from or seen incidents of Islamophobia in Scottish schools, during the time of a devolved Government in Scotland.

During those evidence sessions I had also heard details of ongoing initiatives by educators aimed at overcoming the ignorance and social apartheid that has created the environment for prejudiced and openly racist behaviour against Muslims and others who are designated ‘not like us’ in Scotland. The SEAS views Education as route to enlightenment and positive behavioural change so failure to mention examples from those initiatives in the Executive Summary causes it to appear imbalanced.

The level of justified grievance of members of the Muslim faith and culture in Scotland obviously set the tone of the Executive Summary that opened with the definition of Islamophobia adopted by the APPG in 2017, with the key statement ‘Islamophobia is rooted in racism’. I would argue that each act or vocalising of an anti Muslim nature, however slight, is unacceptable and must be challenged. However, I worry that the implication overall is that each incident should be treated as being derived from the same motivation as a deliberate violent act or openly anti-Muslim racist activity.

It is disappointing that in the section on Education and Schools the 12 recommendations were referred to as Educational but the tone of at least 50% of the recommendations are for ‘social enforcement’ rather than educational initiatives. It was confusing to read recommendations for ‘integrating an understanding of Islamophobia’ and ‘compulsory training to counter Islamophobia’ without any recommendations that educators at all institutions should learn and teach an understanding of Islam and Muslim communities.

The dictionary definition of a ‘phobia’ is ‘An extreme fear of, or an aversion to’ a presence or situation. The eradication of a phobia relies on positive interventions. There is scope for Education to offer those positive interventions that would succeed for all but the truly vile racist group in Scottish society. Educational efforts may not be assisted by defining behaviour by those who are ‘unaware’ that their behaviour is incorrect in such hard terms that it may cause them to refuse to engage.

It is to be hoped that the finalised report by Peter Hopkins of Newcastle University will reconnect all the aspects of both the unacceptable and racist behaviour to the positive initiatives and programmes, so giving hope to those who still hold firm to the view that Education has a great deal to contribute to building a society based on Fairness and Equality.

NOTE: The facts in this blog are taken from the Executive summary of the report and my notes from the online meeting. Any personal assessments and opinions are entirely mine.

Michael Connarty

5 things we love, 5 things we don’t care for at all about Curriculum for Excellence

Next week, the OECD review on Scotland’s Curriculum for Excellence (CfE) is being launched by OECD and Scottish Government from Paris.

You can register here https://meetoecd1.zoom.us/webinar/register/WN_y4cvTomITHWgYuKmuTgUEA

Its initial release date was delayed and postponed before the election thereby introducing a degree of political news management. In reviewing the curriculum contributions from a wider political perspective than the Education and Skills Committee was not welcomed. We can safely it’s nothing to do with us.

If asked, we would have highlighted our 5 Good 5 Bad about CfE.

5 Good things

1. Democratic making of a country’s curriculum

Back in the day the new Scottish Parliament set out aiming to involve Scottish civil society in its politics. Curriculum for Excellence was its great success in democratic policy-making. Thousands of Scots contributed to the National Debate. It identified an agenda for change for Scottish education. We believe democracy matters in our education system.

We do wonder if the OECD Review commissioned by the Scottish Government will be measuring the system’s success in implementing the aspirations of the Scottish people from 2002.

2. A common curriculum 3-18

A socialist curriculum should be one that permits a parity of participation across its plans for the learning of children and young people. CfE is a permissive curriculum defined as it is by a broad general education in which learners gain experiences throughout the experiences and outcome of the curricular framework. Experiential learning is a universal strand of all human development. It’s a curriculum for everyone.

3. The totality of all

The curriculum is not only about subjects or organised knowledge yet encompasses interdisciplinary learning, the life of the school as a community and chances for children and young people’s personal achievement. When being developed for all learners the curriculum was to be about knowledge plus achievement and softer elements of schooling and other experiences. Such an approach was supported by literacy numeracy and health and well being as being the responsibility of all. Post-COVID social emotional and mental wellbeing is a priority and safe to say the responsibility of all.

4. New principles of design

The flexible permissive nature of the curriculum was elaborated through a set of principles that extended the scope of a curriculum. However, schools and teachers have not yet fully utilised these principles. At the early stage relevant and challenging and enjoyable learning hasn’t always featured. While at the Senior Phase, learning designed through relevance personalisation and choice has not always been served by exam diet subjects in secondary schools.

5. The child at the centre

All those graphics from initial development onwards featured the learner at the centre surrounded by the curricular framework. The best developments in the curriculum have focused on children’s needs and personalised approaches whether play-based pedagogy at early stages or engaged beyond the school at senior phase.

5 Bad things

1. Built on a narrow set of values

Whoever inscribed four values on the Mace of the Scottish Parliament did not do Scottish education a favour. Wisdom, justice, integrity and compassion may be of benefit to our politicians. However, even the OECD recognised how limited they are in a recent document about an inclusive curriculum. Their six values linked to equity include cultural diversity, equity, equality, inclusion and fairness. Its one out of six for Scotland.

2. A missing capacity

The four capacities were gateways aspect for developing many schools’ curriculum and teachers’ classroom practice from the start. But critical thinking skills were missing. Their omission becomes more obvious in the early decades of the 21st century in dealing with social media and fake news. Learners need to be engaged in their learning with critical thinking leading to transformative action whether considering inequalities from the past, climate change or global citizenship and curricular injustices. The OECD (2020) has already identified the curricular injustice arising in experiences of intercultural learning between young people aged 15 from schools in adavantaged areas and those from disadvantaged areas. We doubt this will make Review report.

3. Embedding equality education

This actually became a recommendation in developing the young workforce, From the start CfE did not pay sufficient attention to curricular injustice either as a content issue in terms of decolonising past content or considerations to challenge social class barriers in curricular form. As a result of the TIE campaign a more inclusive curriculum was promoted through their work in challenging MSPs to promote change. But why only LGBTQI? .

4. Limited Senior Phase

A more socialist curriculum would engage in a balanced way with community and neighbourhood learning whether linked to work, community or wider achievement. The opportunity to challenge ideas of academic learning as the gold standard and moving away from “it’s only 5 Highers that count”. Models of neighbourhoods and schools linking together to offer learning have still not yet fully been implemented and supported. A 21st century curriculum needs to balance out learning locally/ and learning as a global citizen. More of Jimmy Reid’s education for life rather than education for work or career.

5. Digital learning nd technological change

The timing of the introduction of CfE at the start of 21st century was on the edge of more rapid developments in digital technology. Compared to developments in Wales, for example, digital learning didn’t extensively feature. After COVID the changes that online learning have begun will have a permanent impact on teaching and learning. While needing to support changes we can continue to ensure the curriculum definitely includes the ethos and life of the school as a community. Less pressure from high stakes exams and more about social and emotional wellbeing.

Alienation in a neo-liberal world: radical overhaul needed

Recently, the Jimmy Reid Foundation (JRF) published its paper on Scottish education re-culturing and recalibrating “Liberal education in a neo-liberal world”.   The JRF paper offers a critical summary of policy developments in Scottish education over the past 60 years. For socialists its timely publication offers comparison with a small book on new perspectives on policy and practice “Democratic socialism and education” from Neil Hopkins in England published in 2019.  In reviewing these texts we also reference Jimmy Reid’s Alienation speech at University of Glasgow as it provides the baseline and a backdrop to both text.  In April 1972 Jimmy gave his famed rectorial address as capitalism morphed from its state-managed form into the neo-liberal world.

Both JRF and Hopkins place current education and its recent developments within that neo-liberal world; JRF for Scotland and Hopkins perhaps with greater relevance for England. Marketisation and privatisation are prevalent globally across education systems, perhaps even more so after COVID.  JRF offers an extensive critique of such developments within Scotland particularly at Further Education and Higher Education sectors.  JRF hits the mark with a system-wide policy review identifying and addressing past failures in Scotland across the learners’ journey early years to FE and HE.  Hopkins is more concerned with what a socialist education system could be in the 21st century.   He has a more thematic approach considering pedagogy, curriculum and governance and their similarities and differences within a liberal education and a democratic socialist system    

In the Hopkins small book, he sets out the potential for a democratic socialist set of policies and practice. In doing so he offers the chance to question whether Scottish education is moving towards a more socialist system or is it locked into practices tied to the neo-liberal age.  Is the fragmented and atomised system in England to be our future?

Hopkins’ paper suggests that a common curriculum is necessary much like aspects of Scotland’s Curriculum for Excellence. One of the Scottish curriculum’s strengths, underplayed in JRF, is its universal design. A design that involves a common inclusive nature framed as experiences and outcomes, applicable to every learner in school education from 3-18 years.  Hopkins accepts that a liberal education and a democratic socialist curriculum may be aligned in content. However he sees the need for more associative and communal curriculum making through negotiation in the system with no one agent or agency predominating.    

In Scotland Curriculum for Excellence started with a national debate. Arising from this consideration is the idea that we don’t require another OECD review in Scotland but a renegotiation with civil society in a renewed national debate, especially after COVID.  In Scotland our young people in school education are part of the electorate of the Parliament. Their engagement in re-making the curriculum could be part of engaging our communities and neighbourhoods more effectively in our schools.  For Hopkins the steps towards a more democratic curriculum needs to involve a wider group of curriculum makers. 

Hopkins emphasises democratic participation in pedagogy and seeks ways to balance out attention to individualist, community and collective approaches within both liberal education and a democratic socialist form.  For Scotland, its pedagogical injustices are highlighted by JRF in the continued unsupported use of organising learners through setting and streaming within 21st century classrooms. 

To be positive about the future the Scottish system the esteemed writers of JRF state that scottish education does have aspects that challenge neo-liberalism and constitute steps towards a more socialist system. Some markers are our common, comprehensive schools (apart from 4% private and 2% special), a common curriculum 3-18 framed in terms of an entitlement to a broad general education gained experientially and democratic participation at council level through elected education authorities that have the capacity to balance out centralisation. 

Both the JRF paper and the Hopkins book offer clear steps to move from liberal education in a neo-liberal world towards a democratic socialist approach that recognises, represents and redistributes through inclusive, equitable lifelong learning. 

To return to Jimmy Reid, both papers reflect his broader purpose of education for life not just for work.  Jimmy also placed an emphasis on social crimes in education which again complements the analysis in both text. As Jimmy Reid stated  liberal education commits social crimes against too many of our children and young people. Perhaps we all need to be tough on social crime and tough on the causes of social crime!  For him the “flowering of each individual personality and talents is the pre-condition of everyone’s development”.   Such a communal purpose and collective ideal is the next step to challenge liberal education in the neo-liberal world. 

Key references 

Boyd B. Kelly J. Maitles H. Liberal Education in a Neo-Liberal World: Re-Culturing and Recalibrating Jimmy Reid Foundation (2021)

Hopkins N. Democratic Socialism and Education: New Perspectives on Policy and Practice Springer (2019) 

Reid J. Alienation University of Glasgow (1972) 

Michael Marra chats with SEAS: transformative education and hope

The SEAS was very pleased to have caught up with Michael Marra, Scottish Labour’s new education spokesperson to hear from him of the national mission to reclaim hope for the transformative power of Scottish education across all stages and sectors. Michael shares his view of the transformative power of Scottish education and its impact on generations of his family. He speaks with a passion about improving experiences and outcomes for the least privileged of our children not just in Scotland but those marginalised through the negatives of globalisation across the globe. We even hear a positive mention for Dundee FC!

SEAS interviews Iain Gray MSP

When the Scottish Parliament rises officially on 4th May 2021, Iain Gray will be retiring as an MSP. Iain is one of the class of ’99 the group of MSPs who were elected for the first session of the new Scottish Parliament. He has had a range of experiences as a teacher in Scotland pre-devolution and Mozambique post-revolution. As well as a MSP and Scottish Labour Party Leader Iain has served as Minister for Enterprise and Lifelong Learning and shadow education spokesperson during his participation in the Parliament.

The SEAS caught up with Iain before his retirement to discuss his career in teaching as well as his view of progress in education in Scotland. Iain is a politician with a hinterland as he talks us through his contribution as teacher, cabinet minister and education spokesperson. Iain gives us his view of the successes and impact of resource issues in Scottish education in recent years.

We did manage to tackle on his work with the Hibs Community Foundation on building collaboration to tackle food poverty and mental wellbeing through football. All in all a fascinating journey described by Iain which we are sure you will enjoy.

This is our first video and I did manage to get round to clicking the active speaker view after a while. And, yes, Iain’s dog did let us know that his mid-morning walk was being delayed due to the recording! Enjoy!

Iain Gray MSP – A shining light, “a noble end”

Iain Gray MSP’s final final speech

On 11th March Iain Gray MSP made his final final speech in the chamber of the Scottish Parliament having served as leader of the Scottish Labour Party but also as the key Scottish Labour Party figure in education in that time. He spoke to the Redress for Survivors (Historical Child Abuse in Care) (Scotland) Bill. In his speech he reviewed the parliament over his 22 years as MSP and offered a vision of the work of the Scottish Parliament needing to shine light on darkness! We share his speech and share our view that he will be missed.


Iain Gray (East Lothian) (Lab): 
Thank you, Presiding Officer. I speak in support of the bill, which finally promises some redress for people whom we collectively let down so badly for so long. As children, they looked to us for care and we delivered them up to hurt, terror and torture, sometimes for years. Then, as the cabinet secretary said, for decades we refused to listen to them, but, in their courage, they would not be silenced. The bill has taken too long to achieve, and it could have been better. I wish that we had removed the waiver on rights to civil justice, but the bill is a substantive acknowledgement—at last—of survivors’ suffering and our responsibility for it.

As Jamie Greene indicated, this is my final speech. He will be too young to know that it is actually not the first time that I have made a final speech in the Parliament. The difference is that, the last time, I did not know that it was my final one. [Laughter.] It is better to make that decision ourselves than to have the electorate make it for us. I am glad that my final speech is about righting a wrong of the past.

I am privileged to be one of the class of ’99, as I believe that, over 22 years, we have put right many such wrongs. I helped to take through the very first act of this Parliament—the Adults with Incapacity (Scotland) Act 2000—which supported families who had been stymied in their care for loved ones by cruel incapacity laws, some of which were 400 years old. We abolished a feudal system that, for 1,000 years, had excluded the people of this country from vast swathes of their own land, and we opened it up to all. We closed down the long-stay hospitals in which our brothers and sisters with learning disabilities had been imprisoned for generations. It has been a privilege to be just a small part of all of that and of so much more that the Parliament has done when it has been at its best.

On that unforgettable opening day in 1999, Donald Dewar said that the Scottish Parliament is about “how we carry ourselves”. I do not believe that he meant how we strut on the world stage or swagger along the corridors of power. He meant how closely we are willing to walk alongside those who need us most and how willing we are to stand with those who are hungry, who are hurting or who have no hope—not craving the limelight, but rather braving the darkness that it is our duty to try to dispel. We have not always succeeded, of course.

There are plenty of present-day wrongs that I will be looking to those members who come back in May to put right. After all, we opened up access to our land, but it is still owned by a tiny, wealthy, powerful elite. We liberated people with learning disabilities from long-stay hospitals, but into a social care system that fails them again and again. There were precious few food banks back in 1999. What were we doing that so many came to depend on them? Child poverty is rising. Drug deaths are Scotland’s shame.

The Parliament’s best days are the days when we refuse to accept that we cannot change those things and we believe in our power to do that. The Parliament that I leave is not the one that I entered 20 years ago. Following the Smith commission, on which I had the privilege of serving, it is one of the most powerful devolved legislatures anywhere. I know that many members will continue to argue for its sovereignty, and that is their right. However, I sincerely believe that the pandemic has demonstrated the power of devolution, taking our own decisions here—some of which I agree with, others which I do not—about public health measures, schools, the national health service and how we support business. However, we do so while we are underpinned by being part of a bigger economy with a broader tax base, more borrowing power, greater research funding and greater purchasing power for vaccines and personal protective equipment. In any case—pandemic or not—our daily obligation is to use every power that we have, with all the urgency that we can muster, to right those wrongs of poverty and injustice.

I turn to that Donald Dewar speech again:“A Scottish Parliament. Not an end: a means to greater ends. ”A noble end—like today: a measure of justice at last for survivors of abuse. It has been a privilege to be part of that. It has been an especial privilege to represent East Lothian for the past 14 years, so let me place on record for the last time that East Lothian is the best constituency, the best county and the best part of Scotland in which to live or work. [Laughter.] 

I could not have be part of any of that without the support of so many staff in Parliament, the Labour researchers and the staff in my local office—currently Chris, Ryan and John, but many others over the years, not least Pat and Simon, whom we miss. Above all, my thanks go to my family, especially to my wife, Gil. I would never have been here without her encouragement nor have survived without her holding my hand through the ups and downs. This bill is an up. It is a good bill—some light in a terrible darkness. We will support it this evening, and that will be me loused. Thank you. [Applause.]

Another SNP education failure: the OECD Review

The SNP’s decision to postpone releasing the OECD’s review into Curriculum for Excellence till after the elections in May 2021 has merely led to heightened speculation about its contents. The Socialist Educational Association Scotland has its view on what will either be missing or edited out. The SEAS’ views were not invited to participate in the Review. When we approached either Scottish Government or the OECD  our views were not sought as a contribution either.

The SEAS welcomes the review. Any curricular system benefits from a process of review. This is  not necessarily permanent revolution but some form of  built-in renewal and change. Such renewal should not have to wait for a crisis and the need for a new normal or even building back better. Planning for a decade long change would be beneficial till we renew once more.

Talking of the pandemic one of the key elements in discussing the new future is taking account of a year of radical change. In the year from last March to March 2021, in countries across the globe and particularly where the impact of the pandemic was poorly managed (i.e. here); society was effectively de-schooled. 

In part, for too many children and young people, this led to a “schooling loss” the impact of which is yet to be fully measured.  Some young people never missed attending a school building that much and with their teachers adjusted to forms of online teaching and learning.  Other children and their families found ways to engage in home learning that compensated for missing their school. 

All of this means that there has been a radical consciousness-raising exercise about the value of attending school education, or as a neighbour’s P1 child had it in early March 2021 being “back at proper school “.  The opportunity is being missed to re-engage with Scottish society about a renewal of Curriculum for Excellence drawing on the past two decades as well as the range of experiences over the past year. 

Below are the proposals from the first National Debate. In 2002, the Labour-led Scottish Executive Education Department launched a national debate on schools for the 21st century. The debate elicited over 1500 responses and it is estimated that 20,000 people took part. It is a shame that that the views of the Scottish people have not yet been put into practice fully two decades after they were proposed. 

It is not too late to engage in a National Renewal Debate to match the thousands of contacts and the model of civic participation in education policy-making from the national debate at the start of the century. We need a new future now shaped by the Scottish people not the OECD, not just the Parliament, definitely not the international advisors and not solely the professionals. It takes all of us to raise a child. 

Statements on Scottish education from Monica Lennon and Anas Sarwar

As part of the election for Leader of the Scottish Labour party we asked the candidates, Anas Sarwar and Monica Lennon to share their views on Scottish education. Here are the candidates’ statements, previously shared with SEAS members ahead of the election. SEAS members voted to nominate Monica Lennon MSP as Leader of the Scottish Labour Party.

Statement from Monica Lennon MSP 

As a working-class girl growing up in Lanarkshire, it never crossed my mind that one day I would be seeking to lead the Scottish Labour Party. I am proud to be asking for the support of SEAS.

My family and community shaped my politics. I learned about the value of lifelong learning and the workplace from my dad. He got a second chance at education and worked his way up to be a health and safety manager within the local council. He cared about people having dignity at work and for their physical and mental well-being, when stress and mental health was rarely discussed. 

My dad had his own battles, mainly with alcohol, and he had to stop working aged 50. He died from alcohol-related illnesses at 60. It broke my heart, however, it made me determined to fight for better opportunities and support for people before they reach a crisis. 

The Labour Party was created to give opportunities to working people and to enable them to make a better life for themselves. That starts with the early years and education. Ending the poverty-related attainment gap must be our mission, so that all of Scotland’s young people get the best start in life.

It is a scandal that your postcode so often continues to determine your outcomes in life. Never again can we allow a situation like the SQA results scandal of 2020. Our politics should be about getting things done and delivering results – real positive change that will improve people’s lives.  First as a councillor, where I was a member of the Education Committee, and now as an MSP and Party health and social care spokesperson, my politics has always been rooted in making life better for working people and ending poverty.  

In my first term in Parliament, I delivered the world-leading Period Products Bill, working with trade unions and with campaigners and activists in communities all over Scotland and beyond. And I worked with Labour councillors and education staff on the introduction of free period products in schools, colleges and universities long before the Bill was even passed. As leader, my ambition will be to take forward with SEAS our shared ambition to resource and deliver world-leading education services.

The last decade of devolution has in many ways been a disappointment. The SNP’s record is not one to be proud of and the pandemic has exposed and exacerbated the health and wealth inequalities that existed before COVID-19.  

The Scottish Labour Party that I lead will face the country as it is today.  The next Parliament must be focused on COVID-19 recovery. As leader, I will work with all our members and affiliates to ensure it is a people’s recovery. 

  • Learning loss under COVID is under-recognised and it will fall most upon those with the least resources. I will prioritise targeting more resources to the learners and schools experiencing the most disadvantage, including access to our brightest and best teachers.
  • We need more targeted support to disadvantaged schools. That’s why supporting local councils is so important and they need more support from Education Scotland. Instead of private schools getting individual time from HM Inspectors,  this should go to schools in disadvantaged areas.
  • We need to regenerate the role of local communities and local authorities in schools and the curriculum.  More learning can take place outdoors beyond classroom walls, and this will help our recovery from the isolating and emotional toll of the pandemic.
  • We must improve outcomes for learners who are not fulfilling their potential, including white working-class boys, disabled children and young gypsy/travellers. I helped to organise support for the Time for Inclusive campaign on LGBT+ inclusive education and want to expand on this equalities work, working with you, our experts in the field.
  • We also need to improve the outcomes for young BAME people, who still meet to many barriers into employment.
  • Our curriculum needs to be reviewed and feature more aspects of diversity, inclusive education and social justice.

I was recently contacted by my former Modern Studies teacher who had some lovely words of praise for the type of pupil I was and the politician I am aspiring to be. She inspired me when I didn’t have a lot of self-belief. She helped me achieve my goals and I owe my teachers everything for my place at university, aged just 16. It breaks my heart that in the same school today there are children who can’t concentrate on learning because of hunger, insecurity, lack of resources and lack of role models.

I’m in politics to win for working people. The people who juggled home-schooling and work; the people who kept shelves stocked and the country connected; the people who saved lives every day while risking their own. Too many people in Scotland are undervalued and too many have nothing at all. That’s why I’m not prepared to sit on the side-lines.  

As Scottish Labour leader, I will provide a new generation of leadership while staying true to our values.  I will fight every day for radical social and economic change.

Statement from Anas Sarwar MSP 

Scotland needs to be far more radical to reach our ambition to have an education system which provides excellence and equity for all.

Over the past decade, we have seen savage cuts within classrooms across the country, fewer staff in schools, resources stripped away, the inequality and attainment gaps growing. Teachers’ workload has increased and all too often – particularly this year – they are not supported by Government or the agencies who should be stepping up. 

These cuts have let down staff and pupils. And pupils with additional support needs are an immediate priority to ensure that all our young people are supported to access an excellent education. We cannot afford to wait.

Scotland has continued to fall behind in some international league tables and has withdrawn altogether from others. Our curriculum, particularly in the senior phase, has narrowed with poorer pupils losing out the most.

The SQA shambles of last August has shown the inequality that is baked into our system, with pupils’ grades downgraded not based on their performance, but their postcode. It was the poorest pupils who were most impacted, through no fault of their own but due to a decision of John Swinney. I’m proud of the reaction of Scotland’s pupils, they fought hard and overturned this system. 

But we must ensure that inequality is always challenged and never accepted. We can’t leave it to pupils and teachers. Labour has to be at their side too.

And because we know educational inequality isn’t created within the four-walls of the classroom, to truly address the extent of our large and stubborn attainment gap, we must tackle social and economic inequality in our communities. 

That’s why I’m clear the next Parliament has to be a COVID recovery Parliament. We need a period of healing, to bring the country together, to build back better, to protect jobs, to fix our education system and deliver an NHS that never again has to choose between treating a virus or treating cancer.

With your support, I will ensure Scottish Labour becomes the credible and trusted opposition I know we can be. I’ll do this by working with people like you – key workers, trades unions, experts and business leaders across Scotland to build a platform that looks to the future.

With your support, I will champion voices from across Scotland and our movement. I will work hard to bring all of us together, so we can rebuild our party, and rebuild Scotland.